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Sakura strategy: How Japan’s aid to Ukraine goes beyond symbolism

Recent Kyiv-Tokyo agreements show that the countries' partnership is not a one-time act of support, but a steady formation of a strategic alliance across many sectors.

Not just money: Japan backs Ukraine with frozen assets, equipment, and a security pact

Ukraine signed a deal with Japan to receive $3 billion from frozen Russian assets. Japan also ordered demining equipment from Ukraine to transfer to the State Emergency Service and signed a bilateral security agreement.
Japan is the third-largest financial donor to Ukraine and second in terms of budgetary assistance since February 2022. Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion, Japan’s financial aid has reached $10 billion.
In February 2024, at the Ukraine-Japan Conference in Tokyo, the two sides signed 56 agreements — between governments, regions, and businesses — ranging from biotechnology to demining. They also updated a tax treaty and eased visa requirements.
In June 2024, another 23 cooperation agreements were signed during a roundtable meeting.

From trade to trust: Tokyo expands its footprint in Kyiv

The Japanese government has become significantly more active in Ukraine. JETRO (Japan External Trade Organization) opened an office in Kyiv in 2024. JICA (Japan International Cooperation Agency) is expanding its projects. JBIC (Japan Bank for International Cooperation) added Ukraine to its program list.
Our growing friendship with Japan is based on aligned long-term needs and strategic interests.

Business blooms: Japan sees opportunity in Ukraine’s recovery

Despite its own economic challenges, Japan is interested in strengthening its presence in Ukraine. Promising sectors include energy, transport, logistics, high-precision agriculture, engineering, pharmaceuticals, robotics, and humanitarian demining.
JETRO regularly brings Japanese business delegations to Kyiv. In January 2024, Ukraine and Japan launched the JUPITeR platform to engage Japanese businesses in Ukraine’s reconstruction. Over 200 representatives attended the launch, proving growing private-sector interest.
A key issue for these future projects is Japan’s willingness to insure its companies’ operations in Ukraine.

From Toyota losses to Ukrainian gains: Can Ukraine host Japan’s next factories?

Japan may want to offset some of the losses it incurred in Russia — for instance, Toyota’s factory exits. Ukraine, already home to auto component factories like Yazaki and Fujikura, could become a hub for full-scale automotive production.
In late 2024, Ukraine’s Economy Minister Yuliia Svyrydenko announced Japanese interest in large-unit assembly of pickup trucks in Ukraine. The government should prioritize localization of vehicle production, especially for military needs.

From Moscow to Kyiv: Why Uniqlo belongs in Ukraine

Popular Japanese Uniqlo clothing brand exited Russia and confirmed it won’t return. We respect this decision and invite Uniqlo to Ukraine, where many global brands are resuming operations.

Japanese graphic aesthetics could find a powerful synergy with Ukrainian culture.
Similar shifts are visible across many industries where Japan once had a strong presence in Russia — and now, Ukraine can fill the gap.

From video recorders to drones: Japan now needs Ukrainian tech

In geopolitics and defense, our interests also align. Japan has had mutual security treaties with the US since 1951. But today, even those alliances aren’t fully reliable.
Japan’s Self-Defense Forces, while not legally an army, are highly advanced. But one area lags — drones, especially naval drones, due to Japan’s geography.
At the DSEI Asia defense expo in Tokyo, Ukrainian military tech companies were featured.
Since the 1990s, owning Japanese gadgets was a status symbol in Ukraine. But in 2025, for the first time, Japan needs our technology — and we will export it.

Rebuilding from ashes: What Ukraine can learn from Japan’s recovery model

Japan offers vital lessons in rebuilding a state and economy from ruins. There are many books on this now available in Ukrainian.
If we organize cooperation well and clearly communicate our institutional needs, agencies like JICA and JBIC could eventually replace — or even surpass — the technical aid once provided by the now-defunct USAID.

Not just steel and budgets: Shared values and soft power matter too

Beyond money and weapons, we are culturally aligned. Every Ukrainian who worked with Japanese volunteers during the war can attest to this. But we remain informationally distant.
Japan is now hosting the world’s largest expo — Expo Osaka 2025. Ukraine couldn’t afford a presence, but Japan generously gifted us a small pavilion. We now have a platform to share our (primarily antiwar) narrative with the world. Thanks to the Ukrainian team in Osaka!
This is an example of cultural diplomacy — not our strongest field, but potentially powerful in a country like Japan.
In March, the Ukrainian House opened in Japan to support bilateral cultural projects. These can happen at local levels too: Japanese cities often have more capacity than some states. Osaka is a sister city of Dnipro, Kyoto of Kyiv, and Yokohama of Odesa.

A strategic friendship worth fighting for

Japan has consistently supported Ukraine and condemned Russian aggression. But we must not assume this will remain unchanged. Russia is working to neutralize our allies — Japan included — through its ties with China and responses to new US tariffs.
That’s why deepening our ties with Japan — and through it, all of Asia — must be a top strategic priority.
Are we doing enough? No.
What must we do?

  1. Learn more about Japan — its interests and potential. Japan recently gave scholarships for Ukrainian civil servants to study governance in Japan.
  2. Maintain active dialogue on diplomatic, cultural, and business levels. Japan is a top priority in our trade strategy.
  3. Develop and promote projects that meet both Ukrainian needs and Japanese interest.

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